The purpose of an electoral masquerade .

One can not pretend to analyze an electoral campaign without first identifying the strategic objectives and the tactical means of such a staging. Why, after years of electoralist scrambling, has the capitalist democracy taken the form of these free-for-all, everywhere accepted or imposed? What are the implicit, unwritten rules, that govern these masses of democracy? What are the social classes and the political forces in such an electoral battle? We will answer these substantive questions.

The second round of presidential elections of the “democratic” and media French electoral circus puts an end to the first round of this burlesque pugilate. The French elections are interesting to be studied, because they were a model of its kind. Three social forces clashed in this masquerade which is not over since the legislative round arrives with the same convoluted scenario concocted on the scale of the 577 legislative districts.

Whether it is in France or elsewhere, the big capital organizes such ubuccessful performances in order to allow its political functionaries to join in order to appropriate the momentary management of the coveted state apparatus. In this theater of Panurge the electorate plays the role of the public and is invited to shout down the antics or to acclaim the performances of the political artists crashing on the media scene. It will be found that in several countries governed by the capitalist mode of production, this electoral contest leads to the alternation to the levers of the fetish state between the left faction and the right faction of the capitalist political kaleidoscope.

Depending on the economic situation (phase of systemic economic crisis or phase of relative prosperity) these electoral games take place in serenity or vindictive harshness. The raw 2017 of the French presidential election masquerade was particularly agitated given the accentuation of the economic crisis that plunders France for years. We will now analyze the forces present in this inter-capitalist confrontation as well as the tactics of the protagonists.

Some observations about the electoral circus in general.

Beforehand, a few observations about these stagings. First, under the capitalist mode of production, the economic sphere determines the configuration of the political and ideological spheres, never the reverse.

This means that the neoliberal ideology of pro-globalization or still the isolationist ideology, so-called anti-globalization, will never explain the deepening of the economic crisis, but that it will always be the opposite, namely, that the deepening of the economic crisis explains the political contortions in the electoral circus, we pass from the nationalist isolationism to the globalist ultraliberalism. It is a crucial point to be considered because the whole electoral fair aims at persuading the plebs which such political servant presenting such phony political program and such utopian ideo-political approach under whom the people will be brought to tolerate the consequences of the unbridled crisis, while no politician could not invert the “Marche” towards the economic abyss of a capitalist nation.

Second, from this first observation it follows that the one who holds the economic power also holds the political power, the media and ideological power. In France, it is a group of billionaire plutocrats, bankers, financiers and major industrial shareholders of multinational companies interconnected to other international companies according to a game of sharing shares that explains the configuration of alliances and international free trade treaties. We are here far from the media pugilate with which the sheep are amused while waiting to mow them – whatever is the candidate who climbs on the presidential seat.

Thirdly, it also follows from the first observation that it is not the political buffons who build their populist electorates, but vice versa that these are the voters, without big illusion – depending on their class membership – that carry their energy and support on the sycophant who has the intelligence of pleasing them by ephemeral promises of hope. Thus, Emmanuel Macron, the laudator, did not build the clique “En marche“, these are the panicked rejects of the former discredited political formations (PS and LR) which have imagined this decoy in order to prolong the agony of the European financial world. The navicular Marine Le Pen did not build the clique of Front National, it is the rubbishes frightened by the old depreciated political formations which mobilized themselves to build this alternative in the stuck political formations.

Fourth, there is an unwritten rule, governing these electoral games. Each candidate can propose to reform the conditions for deepening the systemic crisis, but none can propose to fundamentally change the rules of the economic game, ie no candidate can seriously propose to change the capitalist mode of production. The leftists will reply that this rule is obsolete since Lutte Ouvrière and the New Anticapitalist Party have presented candidates who proposed to replace the capitalist mode of production by what they called the “socialist” (sic) mode of production. Their participation in this electoral masquerade, from which the popular insurrection and the proletarian revolution will never emerge,attests of their submission to the rules of fetish democracy. Moreover, the miserable electoral score of these left-wing formations – as a consequence of their reformist abdication – does not worry absolutely the big capital, which is rather indebted them to accredit by their accommodating presence the capitalist “democratic” myth.

This is why, in extreme cases, he indifferes to the big capital, guaranteeing the sustainability of the system of exploitation of wage labor, whether it’s the

reformists of left or those of ight; whether it’s the tax specialists or the monetarists;

whether it is the Europeanists or the Frexit-Brexit; whether it’s the Democrats or the Republicans; whether it’s the Liberals or the Conservatives who take it and settle in the cabin of the pilot provided the plane can change direction without ever changing destination and therefore that nothing essential changes the capitalist mode of production. In times of economic growth, some concessions can be granted to the workers, if the productivity serves to be compensated. However, in times of systemic crisis, the austerity policy is imperative.

Finally, fifth observation, if by mistake one or the other of the leftist or fascist sects approached too close to the state power, until they seized control of a part of the public apparatus, it would always be the time to sound the charge to the republican guard against these fascist dictators or those leftist illusionists. The mask of democracy would be thrown down and the full weight of the bourgeois law would befall on the offenders (1).

The forces involved and their electoral tactics.

The majority faction of the big capital not yet bankrupt.

The French electoral masquerade, like the American electoral fair, brought together three major antagonistic social forces. The big financial and industrial capital, billionaires and big capitalists shareholders residing in France, but possessing assets – capital – swarmed around the world, actions “co-opted” and obligations intermingled on trading floors around the world. This is the globalization, whose relocation, the flight of capital, the devaluation of currencies, and the sovereign debt are only ostentatious manifestations. This majority fraction of big capital still benefits from globalization, albeit in a more confrontational manner vis-à-vis its European and American allies and competitors. This caste sees that its business goes badly, that capital does not circulate and therefore that the profits don’t accumulate. So, she claims the support of her “Welfare State” for the rich.

This faction succeeded in rallying, electorally speaking, a whole fringe of small capitalists threatened by globalization; segments of frightened retired people; a pleiad of petty bourgeois frightened to see their revenues expropriated; young people in debt; expelled service and industry employees; as well as engaged members of the NGO industry and bribed union and political apparatchiks. This faction of the big business, knowing the old enroques of the left-right alternation totally discredited and not able to make believe their virginity regained, considering the pans clinging to their shoes, raised from his round a “centrist joker of the moderate right”, “En Marche” towards the management of the Élysée. How many times they can create the surprise and invent a new alternative forged to slow down their economic, social, political and ideological decay?

Sure of his victory this opportunistic alliance of European bankers, financiers and industrialists to push the contempt and arrogance until triumphantly display his victory even before the counting of the ballot. She has conscripted her media penpushers of service so that they impudently display their unconditional allegiance to the economic, political and ideological statuquo despite thirty catastrophic years of economic crisis. She has warned the proletariat that it will pass to the whip without compromise to the cry of “Vote Macron, the Bogeyman of the capital“.

The faction of capital already manhandled while the crisis is not over.

The other force was made up of a fraction of the big stock capital hoping to speculatively climb its assets following this dismantled galimatias (the CAC 40 gained ten points after the confirmation of Macron’s coronation). These speculators have surrounded themselves, electorally speaking, with a fringe of small and nationalist capitalist means frightened by globalization, by Europe and by the euro which keeps pushing them towards bankruptcy. These desperate persons believe that capitalism – if it was re-nationalized – could restart and provide a balm on their unhealed wounds. Futile hope, the wheel of economic history never turns upside down. The globalization, Brussels and the euro are the manifestations and not the explanation of their evils. It is in the depths of the relationships of production of the capitalist mode of production that the incurable evil lies which nobody suggested eradicating during this electoral fancy.

This faction succeeded in bringing up impoverished middle-class people, battered workers, squeaky workers, poor rejected by the system and a host of castaways of globalization around the Front National and Marine Le Pen. We are here in the anecdotal contrary to what suggests the hysteric campaign of the media of the rich the useful idiots of the pointless left.

The tactic of this clique was to expose the wounds and social violences provoked by globalization, by the Union, by the Euro, and by the loss of bourgeois national sovereignty, all these social miseries which the big business subjected to the French people, by suggesting that the return to the past is necessary and practicable, which is obviously illusory. Of course, this display of social violence to Bully-les-Mines and throughout France from below could only be abominable, at the limit of the tolerable, which could only disarm the enarchs and the petty bourgeoisie of the bobos, but not the victims of this daily violence (2). Throughout this electoral campaign, the split between France from above and France from below did not appear so obvious.

And it was a lawyer, supposedly fascist, rather opportunist, who allowed himself to spread it out while the go-left sought to pin “Blue Marine” in order to demonstrate its usefulness as back-seat drivers of the bourgeois republic.

The other left-wing and right-wing formations.

The other sects and political formations, left-wing and right-wing, played the role of puppets, stooge, back-seat driver, a public entertainer charged with accrediting the myth that an electoral masquerade meets the aspirations of representative and participative democracy and allows the “people” to express themselves on the stakes of society (sic). As proof, the most insignificant candidate has squandered the time of millions of viewers by avoiding the real issue that raises the systemic crisis of capitalism, namely:”What social class should impose its hegemony over the country and the economy -politics?

From the beginning to the end of this electoral free-for-all, the left and the liberal right worked together to realize the sacred union, the Front-Populaire-Patriotique as in the year 1936, one of the great leftist-Communists treasons that explains the nearly disappearance of the petty-bourgeois left that the proletariat fled as it felt betrayed.

What was the consequence of these popular and patriotic Fronts in France and in all countries where the IIIrd International imposed this tactic of nationalist Public Safety for the liberal finance capital against the totalitarian financial capital? The consequence was to mobilize the proletarian class behind and in the service of the “moderate”, imperialist and globalized, liberal and neoliberal bourgeois dictatorship for the defense of the capitalist mode of production “Allied” against the capitalist mode of production of the allied Axis, the nationalist, retrograde and impracticable capitalism. The consequence was the Second World War and its millions of proletarian deaths (3).

It is not in the Front National, vector of the French national capital in perdition that must be “blocked“, but to capital in general, and especially the big imperialist financial capital. The proletarian class instinctively understands it, and that is why it has mostly not followed the left in its slogans in favor of the banker Macron and his associates “En Marche” towards the Élysée.

We must remind to those who are concerned that the Front National or the Socialist Party, or the Republicans, disappear after this electoral battle-2017, that these political names are like trademarks.

The FN will continue its electoralist political career as long as the French big capital will see in it an alternative in this electoral circus, which until now offered the “moderate” left-right alternation. To the great economic evils, the great political and ideological remedies. The FN is the reserve joker, which today spurs the political apparatchiks of right and left, as yesterday the Communists were the spur that taunted the leftist and rightist apparatchiks so that these officials of the state of the rich remain alert and serving the hegemonic class. As for the Left (we have not written the PS, the NPA or LO, but the left in its different marketing names), it will remain the illusory alternation, whose political names may vary provided that their adherence to the capitalst mode of production remains so … The useful idiots of the system in sum, raising the standard of the “red vote” to block the “vote brown” in order to pass the “blue vote” of international bankers. It seems quite obvious that the proletarians have nothing to do in this electoral and parliamentary game for businessmen.

The proletarian class in the midst of this plebeian masquerade.

Finally, a third force ignored by the media so much the contempt of the system is big for the proletarian class and for its spearhead, the working class. The proletariat is in difficulty, impoverished, overexploited, mistreated by the systemic economic crisis and the austerity policies put forward to try to rescue the profits of the companies, hence the economic, political, media and ideological contortions of the rich to try to impose by brutal force the subjection of the slave laborers (4). It is this widespread attack against the globalized proletariat that must be blocked and not one of the options proposed by the Big Capital as proposed by the degenerate and discredited left.

The presence of this third force was manifested by its obstinate refusal – accentuated each year – to participate in this electoral fair. In the first round there were 11.5 million registrants out of 47.6 million registrants which refused to vote. To these, we must add some 3 million non-registered, as well as a few millions of electors removed from the electoral rolls. So, in the first round, over 50 million voters it is beyond 15 million who refused to vote (5). In the second round, out of 50 million potential voters, there were 12.5 million abstentionists + 3 million non-registered voters + 4.2 million of invalid votes approximately 20 million (40%) of disillusioned voters who, to various degrees, question the bourgeois democracy and refuse to compromise themselves in these wobbly electoral masquerades.

What interests us particularly is the class composition of this disillusioned, not to say revolted, electorate. They would have been between 30% and 35% of the workers, employees, the unemployed and the poor to refuse to participate in these convoluted garbage. All these proletarians can today proudly proclaim “We have not voted for this and we keep all our options to resist your austerity policies“. We know, of course, that this resistance will be only the first round of the radical struggle to overthrow this dying mode of production and to build a new mode of production. But we also know that this total war, class against class, will not pass through the electoral masquerades.  We bet that the next legislative elections will confirm this advance of the class consciousness of the French proletariat.


  1. Mossadegh in Iran, Allende in Chile, Bokassa in Central African Republic, Amin Dada in Uganda, Gaddafi in Libya and Milosevic in Serbia.
  1. Http:// and -the-debat-the-french-nationalism /

Traduction   by Claudio Buttinelli. Roma.

BILAN FIRSTultima modifica: 2017-05-12T22:25:38+02:00da davi-luciano
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